jamiehollin

Consistency used to matter in shaping public policy

In Community, Council, Law, Politics, Public Policy, Zoning on January 30, 2012 at 1:02 pm
It wasn’t long ago that consistency in politics mattered. In this instance of politics, I am talking about its result in public policy. Irrespective of your views on what our public policy should be, we should all be able to agree it should have uniform application across the county. At the Council’s last meeting, an ordinance was passed allowing residents to raise hens in certain council districts, subject to certain conditions. 8 district council members co-sponsored an amendment to “exempt” the respective districts they represent (the “loyal opposition”).

 

The public policy impact is absurd. One’s opinion on the bill is irrelevant. To clarify, it doesn’t matter to me whether you’re a supporter of the bill or part of the loyal opposition or just against its passage. There can be little debate about this being bad public policy. Enforcement will be virtually impossible.

Many members of the loyal opposition to the chicken bill were also some of the strongest advocates to save the fairgrounds. One of the strongest positions—due to its truth—in the fight for preservation, is that every resident of Davidson County owns those 117 acres. In other words, no priority given to nearby citizens—all are equal. As a consequence, each council member was free to vote based upon their constituency—councilmanic courtesy be damned. If councilmanic courtesy would’ve prevailed, the bulldozer’s work at the fairgrounds would be done by now (71% approved Charter amendment).

Councilmanic courtesy

Councilmanic courtesy is a powerful force (although less frequent than many think). I am familiar with its power from experience (Cleveland Street zoning, 11 meetings over 12 months) in 2009, which ultimately spawned a recall election, among other things. This courtesy is usually limited to zoning matters. However, in limited instances, it is used elsewhere. One such limited example was the fairgrounds. It didn’t bear fruit, as we all know. And it will be much harder to employ in the future on this topic. Hens = zoning.

The chicken bill is a demonstration of this courtesy, but not in a fashion apparent on its face. Instead of being able to defeat the legislation by keeping 21 from being posted on 3rd reading, the representatives for those 8 districts were able to collect an 18-17 count for adoption of the amendment. This is when I realized a rule requiring 21 votes to adopt an amendment on all zoning bills would be a good one. A prohibition against exempting a district from an ordinance or resolution with county-wide application is another.

The opt-out amendment movement was designed to defeat legislation short of being able to keep 21 from being posted. There are many ways to defeat a bill, but only one way to pass one. The opt-out is a much easier way out and takes less time. “It is so ridiculous” went the notion that if so allowed to amend, the sponsor would recognize defeat and move for deferral or withdraw. An example to illustrate is necessary.

Opt-out movement spawned

The opt-out amendment movement was spawned last council term relative to another controversial city-wide zoning matter. CM Erik Cole sponsored what was known as the cottage bill. During the run-up to the vote, members were asking for the districts they represent to be excluded from its application. In the face of many of these opt-out amendments being added to the bill, Cole withdrew the bill. At the time, I failed to thank CM Cole for doing the right thing. I am now making up for lost time: Thank you, Erik. Too bad others didn’t follow your example (I give the freshmen a pass in this instance). Cole recognized the obvious and felt more obligated to the long-term policy impact on the city than in scoring a short-term political “victory.”

Now back to the inconsistency in this type of councilmanic courtesy. One of the biggest policy arguments in the push to demolish the speedway was that other council members should respect the desires of the district’s representative above all—deem them to have a super-voter status. There were op-ed wars in The City Paper on this very point. And that was only the public face of the dispute.

So, fairgrounds supporters had to overcome councilmanic courtesy. Yet it is that very courtesy the opt-out amendment sponsors proffered to have the districts they represent exempted from the application of the bill. The argument is the other side of the same coin when asking others to go along with a zoning bill because it won’t impact other districts. Here, the law will apply except in those districts because the citizens “of my district don’t want certain people to have chickens.” During the fairgrounds debate it was “the citizens of each district are equal,” which is heads. Now, “the citizens of district __ don’t want this law to apply to them,” which is tails. The coin is public policy by councilmanic courtesy.

The lone power remaining exclusively in the hands of the local legislative body is zoning power. Today, it’s a mess more than ever thanks to this patchwork policy. This is terrible public policy and sets a dangerous precedent. Consistency used to be valued. It is no victory—political or otherwise—to have patchwork application of zoning laws across our city. The impact of such a policy runs counter to the argument that the Council should be a co-equal branch of government.

Yes, the point made during the fairgrounds debate that citizens of other districts are equal to the citizens of the district of the fairgrounds is still true. Yet it cannot continue to be made consistently by those who opted-out of the chicken bill. Consistent application of our general laws is important to those who care about our public policies—even if we disagree about what our policies should be. I’m looking forward to the result when a citizen is hauled into Environmental Court when cited for owning hens in an opted-out district, especially if it’s close to the line of an included district.

Next thing you know, sponsors of zoning bills vehemently opposed by outraged citizens will ask unaffected council district representatives to opt-out (even though it doesn’t apply outside the affected district) making it highly likely citizen engagement will decline further. Assuming citizen engagement indeed has room to decline. This is a terrible step in the wrong direction. Here’s to hoping someone in the body will sponsor a bill to end this terrible policy much earlier than its 2-year sunset and restore credibility to the body responsible for setting our public policy. Then, if the sponsor can get 21 again, get them. If not, let it go until it’s possible. If allowed to stand, it’s hard to imagine us being rationally considered a consolidated, metropolitan government.

Yet, I guess it’s not as bad as advocating social welfare reform while simultaneously ignoring the need for corporate welfare reform.

This is my opinion. What’s yours?

Legislative insistence on redundancy and limited privacy rights in Tennessee

In Law, Legislature, Politics, Public Policy, Supreme Court, Tennessee on January 25, 2012 at 5:17 pm

Today, Governor Haslam announced a proposal to amend the state constitution affirmatively–and redundantly–cementing the Tennessee Plan in our state’s governing document. The Tennessee Plan–as you know–is how lawyers that know the governor get appointed to the appellate courts and Supreme Court of Tennessee. Never mind the Tennessee Plan has already been interpreted repeatedly as constitutional by the TN Supreme Court–it was a Special Supreme Court in 1996–in the cases of State ex rel. Higgins v. Dunn, 496 S.W.2d 480, 487 (Tenn. 1973) and State ex rel. Hooker v. Thompson, No. 01S01-9605-CH-00106, 1996 WL 570090 (Tenn. Oct. 2, 1996), which have also been affirmed numerous times by other appellate courts.

In 2010, Republicans celebrated taking control of the General Assembly for the first time since Reconstruction. Oddly enough, the justices making those decisions were appointed when Democrats controlled the legislature. Yes, I know, the Governor is making the appointments and every 8 years we Tennesseans select a governor from the other party. However, the members of the Judicial Nominating Commission are appointed by the respective speakers of the House and Senate.

Tenn. Code Ann. Section 17-4-102 – The Judicial Nominating Commission reviews applicants for judicial vacancies on the state trial and appellate courts. From the applicants, the commission makes recommendations to the governor, who makes an appointment to fill the vacancy. Eight of the seventeen members of the commission are appointed by the Speaker of the Senate. Eight of the members are appointed by the Speaker of the House. One member is jointly appointed by the Speakers of the Senate and House.

The commission then selects 3 names from the pool of applicants to recommend them to the governor for appointment to the bench. This reminds me, isn’t there a vacancy in circuit court in Nashville? Alas, it is important to note how the speakers get their list of candidates for commission members. One wouldn’t think a potential candidate (or at least a majority thereof) would get appointed without an express or implied standard he or she must follow in selecting potential candidates prior to submission to the governor for ultimate selection.

In fact, one of the commission members (the Secretary) is also a board member of the Family Action Council of Tennessee, which is ironic considering his practice is devoted to–among others yet listed second–divorce. He is also a former member of the legislature and I am certain he is a fine attorney. The current body still consists of appointments from previous House speakers.

All that being said, it is highly, highly improbable the TN Supreme Court will reverse course in our lifetime. So, why is the governor wasting our time and that of the legislature’s, the 95 county election commissions, ink, paper, etc.? Others have suggested on Twitter this is GOTV efforts. I am not sure of the answer, but let’s consider what else will be on the ballot in 2014.

The 2014 ballot will include a constitutional amendment to forever ban the imposition of a state income tax. Again, the Tennessee Supreme Court has already ruled (3 times) the same unconstitutional pursuant to Article II, Sec. 28. Even the House proponent remarked such on the House floor. Notice a pattern here?

It will also include an amendment to overturn Planned Parenthood of Middle Tenn. v. Sundquist. The language of the amendment is as follows:

Nothing in this Constitution secures or protects a right to abortion or requires the funding of an abortion. The people retain the right through their elected state representatives and state senators to enact, amend, or repeal statutes regarding abortion, including but not limited to, circumstances of pregnancy resulting from rape or incest or when necessary to save the life of the mother.

I am sure everyone can see the writing on the wall for the legislature’s 1st session if this passes. In its simplest terms, the TN Supreme Court held that the Tennessee Constitution provides an independent right to privacy and ultimately, more rights to privacy than the U.S. Constitution. In order words, the state and its political subdivisions will have to meet the strict scrutiny standard–a high burden.

In total, 3 constitutional amendments–there’s time for more–2 that affirm repeated rulings of the state’s high court and 1 that overturns their ruling–the law. It’s the economy, stupid. Not that economy. This is the political economy.

Indeed our constitution (ceiling), as interpreted by its highest court ruled that Tennesseans have more privacy guarantees than under the U.S. Constitution (floor). In light of the passage of National Defense Authorization Act, privacy is of grave concern. We should be pleased to know we are afforded greater privacy protections under our state laws, at least for now.

Is the Tennessee Plan amendment a ruse? I haven’t reached a conclusion yet. The income tax amendment idea was born years ago and was driven by public outcry. The privacy amendment is being driven by the group who seemingly has a lock on this General Assembly. Look for more of the same this session like last session on HB 600. The state is determined to wrest control of local decisions away from urban locales. It began with contracting. It goes further to wages and health care. Now, anti-bullying policies of local school districts (HB 1153).

In the words of FACT:

[i]t also clarifies state law to make it clear that districts cannot create their own definitions of bullying….

We are ill equipped at the local school district level to define the term “bullying.” I am a great skeptic of our local school policies, but I am convinced the folks we elected are plenty capable of defining such a term. Even if they weren’t, we elected them.

We can stand by and take the beating or we can act. Hundreds of small protests at the Capitol will capture the media’s attention, but it won’t change the outcome. An opening has been seized by the closed-minded and they are driving the bus.

Rural legislators are making our local, urban decisions for us. It shouldn’t surprise anyone that by and large urban areas have different policies than rural areas if for no other reason there’s more of us and we live closer together. This is the new reality in our state’s political economy. Before long, we can consider it our new normal, and for the foreseeable future. Even if I agreed with their points of view, I don’t want to be subject to the political decision-making of officials whose election I can’t impact. And neither should anyone else.

Perhaps GOTV is the answer. Jobs, anyone?

“Stop hacking at the branches of evil. Start at the root.”

In Community, Lessig, Poverty, Public Policy, Root striker on January 24, 2012 at 3:33 pm

This will take you some time to view. Well worth the time. Great perspective from Lessig in visual form. Many thanks to him for his work. More information at the end.

re:Public Goods from lessig on Vimeo.

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